hidden image

CRIMINALISATION OF POLITICS : Criminals in politics versus “innocent” undertrials

Peter Mundackal Peter Mundackal
23 Aug 2021

Those of us who are keen on clean politics must have reason to be happy about what the Supreme Court did on August 10, 2021.  In an unprecedented step, the Court fined political parties for not abiding by its order of February 13, 2020.   While BJP, JDU, RJD, LJP, INC, CPI, and RLSP were directed to pay fines of Rs 1 lakh each, CPM and NCP were fined Rs 5 lakh each, “since they have not at all complied with the directions issued by this court”.  BSP was an exception, as it substantially complied with the SC’s mandate and escaped getting penalized.

        According to the 13 February 2020 order, the political parties were expected to upload in their websites, details of criminal cases pending against each candidate contesting in the election, as well as to publish in the media, so as to enable the people to make an informed choice.  The judgement came on a plea filed by Advocate Brajesh Singh, who sought contempt of court proceedings against leaders of political parties as well as Chief Election Commissioner for allegedly flouting the court’s orders in the run-up to the 2020 Bihar Assembly polls.  

 On August 10, 2021, the Supreme Court bench, headed by Chief Justice N.V. Ramana, and comprising Justices Vineet Saran and Surya Kant, issued another momentous direction that no state government can withdraw  criminal cases pending against MPs, MLAs and MLCs, without the prior approval of the concerned high courts.  The Court took strong exception to the moves by Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Uttarakhand to withdraw criminal cases against their politicians.  UP, for instance, sought to withdraw 76 cases, including the politically sensitive Mazzaffarnagar riot cases involving the notorious criminal politicians like Sangeet Som, MLA from Sardhana-Meerut, Suresh Rana, MLA from Than Bhawan, Kapil Dev who represents Muzzaffarnagar Sadar and political leader Sadhvi Prachi, all BJP leaders.  The Uttarakhand government has moved to withdraw a murder case against MLA Rajkumar Thukral.  Similarly, the Karnataka government has moved applications for withdrawal of 61 cases against legislators and the Maharashtra government has also taken similar steps.  The direction was issued after amicus  curiae Vijay Hansaria’s report highlighted a disturbing trend  of states attempting to misuse section 321 of criminal procedure code to withdraw even serious cases against ruling party legislators.

Referring to a recent SC judgement, which had laid down guidelines for a public prosecutor for withdrawal of prosecution while setting aside Kerala government’s decision to withdraw cases against Left party MLAs for vandalism in the assembly, the court directed that no prosecution against MPs/MLAs/MLCs can be withdrawn without the approval of the HC concerned.  The bench requested the high courts to examine the efficacy and public interest involved in the applications by public prosecutors for withdrawal of cases against sitting MPs/MLAs/MLCs.  It also agreed with Hansaria’s suggestion and ordered that except in  an emergency, a judge presiding over Special Courts, set up to conduct trial of criminal cases against sitting and former legislators, would not be transferred out till further orders from the apex court.  Though the Enforcement Directorate scrambled to file at the eleventh  hour a list of cases pending under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) against sitting and former legislators, the bench expressed serious reservation about  the Centre’s intent towards expeditious investigation and trial in these cases.  The SC’s disillusionment with the Central Government is clear from the following  statement : -  

“If the central agencies are reluctant to file even the status reports of pending cases, what should we presume?  We have already expressed our displeasure (about lack of seriousness on the part of the Union government) on a number of occasions.  We cannot say anything more.  But we can presume certain things”. 

Growing criminalization has been a constant theme in Indian politics.  According to the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), 2333 MPs in the current Lok Sabha are facing criminal charges, up from 187 in 2014, 162 in 2009 and 128 in 2004.  The Supreme Court remains sceptical about the legislature taking concrete steps to solve the problem.  This scepticism is quite natural.  Political parties in India have always been notoriously reluctant to introduce changes to combat criminalization, and the excuses they have given for doing so have remained nearly unchanged for a long time.  They cite two major excuses.  “Winnability” of candidates is the first reason.  But this is a dubious logic and is an attempt by the party to absolve itself of all blame and put the onus of sending a criminal politician to the assembly or parliament solely on the voter.  The other reason offered by the political parties flows from the oft-quoted maxim of Indian law – ‘any accused is innocent until proven guilty’.  And they parrot that such accusations against any candidate arise from “vendetta politics”.   There is some merit in this argument.  Former Chief Election Commissioner, Shri S.Y. Quraishi, in an article (Crime and politics, the Indian Express 13/8/21) has pointed out the fallacy in this argument by citing a paradox: “There were 4.78 lakh prisoners, as of December 2019, of whom 3.30 lakh were under trial, i.e. not yet proven guilty.  Yet, their fundamental rights – their right to liberty, freedom of movement, freedom of occupation and right to dignity – are curbed completely. I have posed this question on various fora, where honourable judges and eminent jurists were present.  Nobody has ever explained this paradox to me…………..Even a peon cannot be appointed if even a minor criminal case is pending against him. But a person chargesheeted for murder or rape can become a legislator and even a minister!”.    

Under the circumstances, criminals will continue to thrive in politics, since all political parties take advantage of the maxim of “innocent till proven guilty”.  If so, cannot the 3.30 lakh “innocent” undertrials, referred to by Quraashi be released?   It is time that the Government and the Election Commission thought of incentives for decent, competent gentlemen to contest elections.
 

Recent Posts

Contrary to judicial relief, the Supreme Court has reaffirmed that Dalit Christians lose Scheduled Caste status upon conversion, sustaining a controversial 1950 order and deepening anxieties over equa
apicture John Dayal
30 Mar 2026
The recent verdict of the Supreme Court of India on whether Dalit Christians can claim Scheduled Caste status would have been less troubling had it merely erred in law. What makes it profoundly disqui
apicture A. J. Philip
30 Mar 2026
Justice delivery in India depends equally on the judiciary and the executive, yet systemic failures, such as case backlogs, overuse of stringent laws, and prolonged detentions, undermine liberty and f
apicture Jacob Peenikaparambil
30 Mar 2026
The Allahabad High Court's recent ruling in the case involving Rev. Father Vineet Vincent Pereira has sparked significant debate. The court refused to quash proceedings under Section 295A of the India
apicture Special Correspondent
30 Mar 2026
Commemorating Oscar Romero's martyrdom is recalling his fearless defence of the poor, his call to resist injustice, and his sacrifice. It challenges India today to confront oppression, uphold truth, a
apicture Cedric Prakash
30 Mar 2026
Withdrawing futile treatment is not euthanasia but an ethical, lawful act grounded in dignity and autonomy, supporting living wills and compassionate end-of-life care. Misleading words like "passive e
apicture J Charles Davis
30 Mar 2026
In the present context of growing ineffectiveness of the United Nations to curb international conflicts and its failure to provide international peace and security, and in the face of unilateralism of
apicture G Ramachandram
30 Mar 2026
Your tenth stage Is denial: The washing of hands In the blood of semantics.
apicture Dr Suryaraju Mattimalla
30 Mar 2026
The current budget for 2026-27 signals a renewed commitment to urban development, earmarking INR 1 billion (?1 lakh crore) for the 'Urban Challenge Fund' with the ambitious goal of transforming cities
apicture Fr. John Felix Raj & Prabhat Kumar Datta
30 Mar 2026
Perhaps what we need is a small board outside every office of authority. A simple reminder. "You are here temporarily. Please do not disturb permanent memories."
apicture Robert Clements
30 Mar 2026