In the run-up to the 2024 elections, Rahul Gandhi, in particular, talked of the need for a caste census, which was supported by many opposition leaders. Congress-ruled states and NDA-ruled Bihar also carried out the census. This caste census issue was one of the major planks of the opposition's slight revival from being in the dumps in that election.

Modi opposed the caste census tooth and nail, stating that this is part of Urban Naxal thinking. Its parent organisation, RSS, said that it is a ploy to divide Hindu society. In this background, on April 30, 2025, the Modi Cabinet decided to include castes as a part of the forthcoming census. As such, the census, which was due in 2021, has been pushed forward so far. There are many guesses as to why, at this point in time, the BJP has decided to get this done.

There is a view that this is being done keeping in mind the forthcoming elections in Bihar in particular. As such, the timeline for this caste census and conversion of the findings into policy has not been outlined. The most likely reason may be the electoral compulsions in Bihar and other elections in the future. It is clear that the plank of Rahul Gandhi in particular has been a caste census and lifting of the ceiling of 50% on reservations. This got a positive response from substantial sections of the electorate, so RSS-BJP might be venturing on this step for social justice, which they are opposed to the core.

It can be unhesitatingly said that the emergence and foundation of RSS were mainly to oppose the rising awareness among Dalits for social justice, particularly after the efforts of Jyotirao Phule and later by Bhimrao Ambedkar, the pioneers of social justice in the last two centuries. As Dalit awareness started rising, the upper caste started feeling discomfort and came up with the concept of a Hindu nation. It goes without saying that Manusmriti was the core principle guiding their social values.

The second Sarsanghchalak of RSS, MS Golwalkar, eulogised the laws of Manu as being most ancient and needed to be emulated in the present times. As Gandhi, particularly after 1932, began his yeoman efforts to work against the caste system, going from village to village ensuring that Dalits could enter public places, temples, and water sources, the RSS remained totally aloof from any such effort and kept training its swayamsevaks and pracharaks in the values of caste and gender hierarchy.

Savarkar, whom the RSS regards greatly, did make some efforts against the caste system, but they were hardly deep-set and were eventually eclipsed by his politics of loyalty to British rule. While opposing the Indian Constitution, he articulated that Manusmriti is the Law today. In opposing the Constitution, RSS mouthpiece the Organizer said there is hardly anything Indian in it, as it ignores the great values of their holy tome, Manusmiriti.

Its primary base initially was the upper caste Brahmin-Baniyas in particular. Other upper castes rooted in values of caste and gender hierarchy also backed the RSS. In due course, as electoral compulsions dawned upon the Hindutva forces, they consciously worked for co-opting Dalits, Advasis and OBC into their vortex. They floated 'Samajik Samrasta Manch' (Social Harmony Forum) to work among dalits to win them over to the politics of Hindu Nationalism. They praised different jatis, castes as great contributors to the Hindu Samaj. Their publication of books in history and 'greatness' of various jatis was a statement to cajole the low caste into their net. Hindu Charmakar Jati, Hindu Valmiki Jati, and Hindu Khatik Jati were three major volumes released by RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat, who stated that all castes were equal.

They also identified icons from these castes and presented them as great heroes of Hindu society, giving them an anti-Muslim slant. Raja Suhel Dev is an example of this strategy, where Suhaldev of the Pasi community was projected to woo Dalits. Eating with them was undertaken, and this fed into the process of Sanskritisation, gradually winning sections of Dalits as their foot soldiers.

Various other strategies were used, like campaigning among Dalits that the BJP is the only party not appeasing Muslims, who are the enemies of Hindu society. They started being drawn to RSS shakhas, and many of them were given some important positions. A section of Dalit leaders, like Ram Vilas Paswan and Ramdas Athawale, were wooed with power and resources. Chirag Paswan declared that he is Hanuman for Modi.

The testing time for RSS-BJP and social justice was the implementation of the Mandal Commission. The upper caste responded to this in a very hostile manner, to the extent of self-immolation by one of them. RSS-BJP knew that opposing it openly would be detrimental to their electoral interests. So they did not verbally oppose it, but drew a bigger line in response to Mandal in the form of Kamandal. They intensified the Babri demolition campaign with full gusto and succeeded in polarising the upper caste. This opened the path to electoral power for them, and the electoral support for this sectarian politics zoomed up quickly.

This time around, it will be interesting to observe how they will handle the caste census to circumvent the interests of the upper class. The upper class are aghast with the idea of caste census by the party of their choice, which has been nurturing their interests. One knows that RSS is deeply entrenched in the country's social and political system. It has already been said that the OBC census should not be used for political purposes. It is capable of devising new language to halt the march of social justice while paying lip service to the caste census.

It is time for all political parties with a deeper commitment to the Indian Constitution to come together on the same platform and support the agenda of social justice. Honest implementation of the caste census results needs to be taken up as a priority for a just and humane society.