Who shall we, the ordinary Catholics, believe? As we collectively walk a dreaded path through the minefield of politics on the way to the general elections that will overlap with the days of Lent this year? Our religious leaders have been inconsistent at best, often choosing not to see the ground situation. The signals from the cathedra have been mixed.

"There is an unprecedented religious polarisation which is harming the cherished social harmony in our country and endangering democracy itself," said a statement released at the conclusion of the 36th biennial assembly of the Catholic Bishops' Conference of India (CBCI) in Bangalore. "There is an apprehension that divisive attitudes, hate speeches, and fundamentalist movements are eroding the pluralistic ethos which has always characterised our country and its constitution. The fundamental rights and minority rights guaranteed by the constitution should never be undermined," the statement read.

The CBCI statement did not name any person or party responsible for this national crisis. Mr. Anto Akkara, the well-known international Catholic journalist and activist for the rights of the victims of the Kandhamal pogrom in 2007-08, in his report for the Catholic New Agency, said "The unusually critical statement from the Indian Church was seen as a criticism of the federal government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party, who observers say has promoted a Hindu nationalist agenda since 2014 when he assumed office." The CBCI statement stands out, as it is sandwiched between statements to the contrary by some of the highest prelates in the land.

On Christmas Day of 2023, Mr Modi threw a party at his official residence for the senior bishops of the Catholic and Protestant Churches, some heads of institutions, and several gold and diamond giants of Kerala, its biggest non-banking financial institution head, and for good measure a former woman Olympian, also from Kerala, and a former hero of Bollywood. Springing a surprise, Cardinal Oswald Gracias, the archbishop of Bombay and a member of the Pope's 8-member advisory council, flew in to attend the Delhi party.

The Cardinal was gushing as he addressed Mr Modi, "Sir, thank you for all that you are doing for the country, thank you for all that you are doing for the Christian community, and thank you for what you are doing all over the world." He elaborated later in interviews with the visual media at the celebrations. Not that there were any dissonant voices from Bishops, gold merchants, and sportspersons. They were all over the top in their speeches and interviews on the PM Residence's plush lawns. But the Cardinal stood out in his seniority and tone, which set the tempo others faithfully followed.

Forgotten in the melee was the agony of Manipur, where the Kuki-Zo Tribals, mostly Christians, have seen 300 of their churches burned in the Imphal valley, close to 200 killed, hundreds injured, and more than 50,000 refugees living in relief camps set up by Catholic and independent churches in the hills where the majority are Christians. Civilian armed gangs rule the highways, travelling in vehicles in army battle camouflage, armed with weapons looted from government armoury. They are said to have the patronage of the state chief minister. In May this year, it will be a full year of violence and a continuing humanitarian crisis for the tribals,

A few days ago in February, Cuttack-Bhubaneswar Archbishop John Barwa and Evangelical bishop Pran Parichha invited the Christian Community of Orissa to a meeting initiated by the Indian Minorities Foundation (IMF). The good bishop told the gathering, "We have heard, seen, and experienced the powerful mission activities that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has undertaken in the past 10 years. It clearly speaks volumes about the unparalleled work and love he has shown for the uplift of Dalits, the underprivileged, minorities, and the Christian community. PM Modi promotes the value system and abilities of the Christian community."

Billed as 'Sadbhavana: A Gesture of Peace, Love, & Harmony', the event was billed as a celebration of "the invaluable contributions of the Christian community to India's magnificent growth story. Putting his weight behind the event was Biju Janata Dal, member of the Rajya Sabha Sasmit Patra, and by default, one of the senior Christian faces in Parliament. But seated on the dais was another Rajya Sabha member, Satnam Singh Sandhu, an educationist who has been working on the Sikh diaspora, reportedly on behalf of the ruling party.

The BJP suffered a near-fatal blow in Punjab after parting ways with the Akali Dal. After the clean sweep of the state by the Aam Admi Party, it has been looking for connections with the powerful Sikh ethnic group. The RSS had earlier tried to set up a special frontal organisation on the pattern of the Isai Maha Sangh for Christians. The Sikh responded in anger. The RSS beat a hasty retreat, but it has appointed prominent pro-Modi Sikhs to the chairs of the National Minorities Commission and other offices.

Orissa sees a different political situation. Chief minister Naveen Patnaik, son of the founder, Biju Patnaik, and now in his fifth term in office, supports Mr Modi in crucial votes in Parliament but does not want to be troubled by friendly competition in the state. The BJP treads a cautious tightrope. It has all but said that it is waiting for the end of the Naveen era, after which it hopes to take over the votes of the Biju Janata Dal. Mr Patnaik does not have any designated successor. BJD leaders also know this, as do officials. Both sections, while loyal to the chief minister, are also quietly loyal to the Prime minister.

And somewhere in between was also the January 22 installation of the statue of a child Lord Rama in the still incomplete bhavya Ram Mandir on the land where once stood the Babri Masjid, purportedly itself on the successive ruins on a Hindu temple, and on another lower layer, a possible Buddhist shrine. The land has been holy for two and a half millennia, occupied albeit by people of different faiths.

Mr Modi, in an avatar which combined his rank as the democratic ruler of the Indian Republic and supremo of the party which helped remove the mosque and build the temple, presided over the installation. This surprised a section of Hindus and was rejected by the Shankaracharya, the traditional and most senior abbots of the Hindu faith. In corner-to-corner coverage of the event, the state and private TV media had cameras focussed almost exclusively on Mr Modi, who walked with the gravitas that the historic moment demanded.

In another remarkable coincidence, Mr Modi was also the chief guest in February at the consecration of a Hindu temple in the Islamic United Arab Emirates. Built on land given by the King of Abu Dhabi and some 700 crimes of rupees by wealthy Gujarati businessmen of the Swaminarayan sect, the sandstone temple is on the grand scale of its namesakes in New Delhi and Ahmedabad. For the record, less than a thousand members of this sect are said to be among the 3 lakh Indians working in the Emirate.

January 22, however, was marked in fear, tears and blood by the minority Christian and Muslim communities in several states of the country. As CNA reported, Christians and Muslims raised the alarm when Hindu fundamentalists took to the streets and hoisted Hindu saffron flags atop churches and mosques. In BJP-ruled Madhya Pradesh's Jhabua district, goons hosted saffron flags on churches. The faithful were frightened to even lodge a complaint.

Civil society, which has taken on the saffron brigade head-on across the country, feels betrayed by the high praise that Mr Modi seems to get from the big names in the church and the rich of the community. They feel that several Bishops in Kerala have all but called for community support for Mr Modi and his BJP nationally and in its attempt to wrest one Lok Sabha seat — possibly the Christian-dominated Thrissur constituency. A couple of bishops have been brave, if rash, in saying the Christian votes will go to the BJP if the government were to raise rubber prices, a burning issue with owners and workers in the estates in central Kerala.

Several Jesuit and lay activists had launched a "Not in My Name" campaign after the Christmas party, garnering over 3,000 signatures in less than three days. The campaign made headlines in India and abroad. They pointed to the Manipur bloodshed and the persecution in several states.

In December, the United Christian Forum released a list of 687 incidents of violence against Christians from the first 334 days of 2023. The report said anti-Christian violence had become endemic after Mr Modi came to power in 2014.

The Wada Na Todo, a civil society collective, in its 2023 report, covered the last five years of the Modi regime. It quoted National Minorities Commission chairman Mr Lalpura telling a Christian delegation that the Prime Minister had told him there was no need to have anything special for any religion or group. Mr Modi disparaged policies such as the 15-point programme for minorities (created by Mrs Indira Gandhi in her second return to power). It was inevitable that the Ministry of Minority Affairs shrank, as did the various Commissions which looked after Scheduled cases, Tribes, even women and the physically challenged.

The hate campaigns have only aggravated. While the judiciary and the police look on, minions march on to their master's tunes.