The US midterm results may very well portend a wind of change about to blow across the seven seas. It is not only the US, but also Israel, Serbia, Brazil, and other nations that are feeling a reinvigorating breeze of a democratic resurgence. The villainously pompous and dictatorial men, who have arrogated to themselves the right to rule without a leash, are beginning to realise that their imaginary castles might not be as uncrumbly as they seem.

This setback is significant. The Americans decided that the President, whose contemptuous behaviour towards democratic institutions needed a reality check, deserved a check. His attitude, which demands that the world must fall in line with his whims and fancies, has received a resounding rebuke. The Democrats' capture of both houses is not just a simple win. The repugnance of Trumpian vanity is evident in the Democrats' ability to make inroads where they were regularly thwarted.

These developments are not particularly encouraging unless we widen the frame and unconfine ourselves from the American political landscape. In Serbia, a student-led movement has upended Aleksandar Vu?i?'s political machinery. In Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva defeated the far-right political project represented by Flávio Bolsonaro. Bolsonaro has fled the country. Israel, too, has witnessed an electoral setback for Benjamin Netanyahu's political bloc, though the final battle for power remains unresolved. Taken together, these developments suggest that the authoritarian tide is not necessarily irreversible.

There is something reassuring about this democratic awakening. The people once dismissed as politically apathetic, intellectually disengaged, or incapable of challenging established power are beginning to assert themselves. Students, young voters, civil society groups and ordinary citizens are emerging as formidable forces of democratic accountability.

The growing aversion to strongmen is not per se an aversion to strong leadership. It is an aversion to intimidation, jingoism, and the persecution of dissent masquerading as shows of strength, patriotism, and governance. A democratic leader's authority derives from the people's mandate.

We, too, must take cognisance of these developments. The political establishment cannot indefinitely presume that religious polarisation, muscular nationalism and the vilification of the opposition and the minorities will be able to prop them up. The suppression of dissent, the manipulation of institutions, and the growing concentration of power are not permanent instruments of political survival. The electorate may tolerate such excesses for a while, but it is not necessarily condemned to do so forever, especially when the ripples of bad policies override their religious polarity.

However, electoral victories alone cannot guarantee democratic renewal. Brazil, Serbia and the US must still confront the formidable task of rebuilding institutions, restoring public trust and dismantling patronage networks built over the decades. Defeating an authoritarian leader is relatively simple; restoring democratic character is harder.

Nevertheless, the winds are changing. Democracy may falter, but it has an extraordinary capacity to rise again. And when the people awaken, even the most formidable political edifice can begin to crumble.