Seventy-Eighth Martyrdom Day of Father of the Nation

Ram Puniyani Ram Puniyani
02 Feb 2026

As we mourn on this martyrdom day, we also realise that MK Gandhi's values are being undermined blatantly. The propaganda by communal forces is intensifying by the day as social divisiveness rises. Hindu-Muslim Unity was the central credo of his life. The mission of the colossus is a primary victim of contemporary dominant politics.

We recall that the person who put three bullets into his chest was steeped in the ideology of Hindu Nationalism, Hindutva. This ideology was totally opposed to the values of the national movement. The national movement had embraced the values of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity.

The communal forces calling for a Muslim Nation were deflated after the formation of Pakistan; the Hindu communal forces then began rearing up their ugly heads. These forces did not have social respectability until they joined the Jaya Prakash Narayan Movement (JP) and returned to the political social space more firmly.

Since Gandhiji had an impeccable global image, even the RSS-BJP had to make a show of respecting him. But that was a show. In the mechanisms developed by them through shakhas and other platforms they began to heap blame on Gandhi for making Hindu community "defenceless," promoting Muslims at the cost of interests of Hindus, for not saving Bhagat Singh's life, for ignoring the tall freedom fighter Subhash Chandra Bose and nominating Nehru as his successor instead of more capable Sardar Patel, as the Prime minister of India.

In most of this word-of-mouth propaganda, initially and later through different mechanisms, they have achieved quite a success in creating a 'social common sense' against Gandhi, while at the same time glorifying his murderer, Nathuram Godse. There have been recreations of the murder scene of Gandhi, showing how deep hatred has been created against him. Plays and films glorifying Godse at the cost of Gandhi flourish.

Most of the propaganda against him is a construct of Hindutva forces to give themselves legitimacy and to oppose the values of our freedom movement, which did get reflected in the Indian Constitution. In 1919, the global movement of Muslims for the restoration of the Khilafat in Türkiye was a significant opportunity to incorporate Indian Muslims into the anti-colonial struggle.

Gandhi seized it with both hands and broadened the struggle in a very effective way. The parallel Non-Cooperation movement was the first major mass movement against the British. We had already seen the mass uprising opposing the partition of Bengal. The breadth of the Non-Cooperation movement was unimaginable, but, unfortunately, it had to be suspended following the Chauri Chaura incident.

The Salt March began in March 1930 and initiated the Civil Disobedience movement. While the Salt March ended in April of the same year, the civil disobedience lasted till 1934. Meanwhile, as Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru were facing the death sentence. The falsehood being spread is that Gandhi could have prevented their hanging. Interestingly, those spreading this did not even raise a little finger to support the revolutionaries. Gandhi wrote twice to Lord Irwin, requesting a commutation of their death sentence.

Irwin considered it, but he was overruled by the British Government as the British officers in Punjab threatened to resign if the death sentence of the revolutionaries was suspended or commuted. Distinguished historian VN Datta also reached the conclusion that "from the extracts of Gandhi - Irwin correspondence and also contemporary evidence, it is clear that Gandhi was deeply interested in saving Bhagat Singh's life, and was constant in his appeals to Irwin not to hang him."

According to Datta, to understand Gandhi's role, "we have to relate his negotiations with the Viceroy to the political climate of the times, the pressure of public opinion, the role of the Viceroy, and the working of British bureaucracy, and Imperial system in India and England."

The other major myth being popularised is that Gandhi ignored the efforts of Netaji, Subhash Chandra Bose. As a matter of fact, Subhash Bose left the Congress with full dignity due to differences in approach to the anti-British struggle. While the majority of the Congress party opted to launch an agitation against the British Government, Netaji wanted to ally with the Axis powers, Japan and Germany, to take on the British. The Hindutva forces supported the British war effort and opposed Netaji by recruiting for the army, thereby countering Netaji's Azad Hind Fauj (AHF).

Despite their differences, Netaji and Gandhi shared the highest respect for each other. While Netaji called Gandhi "Father of the nation," Gandhi called Bose "Prince amongst the patriots." And in one of the meetings, Gandhi told Netaji that he strongly disagreed with his path, but if that brought India freedom, he would be the first to congratulate him.

Netaji also named the AHF's first battalion the Gandhi Battalion. It was Congress, which, after the war, formed a committee in defence of the prisoners of AHF. Its prominent leaders, Bhulabhai Desai, Kailashnath Katju, and Jawaharlal Nehru, fought legal battles on behalf of the AHF prisoners.

As for inheritors of the Gandhian legacy, the future Prime Minister of India, Gandhi, said in the early 1940s that neither Rajaji nor Patel would be my successors. It would be Jawaharlal Nehru. In practice, Nehru was the principal architect of the 1937 and 1946 elections. Sardar Patel stated that Nehru had put in unimaginable effort in these elections to ensure Congress' victory.

As the President of Congress was being elected in 1946, after Maulana Azad's presidency, Gandhi asked Patel to withdraw his nomination. Patel, as a Gandhi loyalist and long-time associate of Nehru, held no grudges and worked with Nehru as a congressman throughout his life. They had differences, but they were resolved in personal or cabinet meetings. Patel went on to say that Nehru is his younger brother and his leader.

Gandhi had a unique mandate and grasp of the nation. He knew that Nehru was the most popular among the people after him. And also, Nehru was immensely popular among the youth.

Gandhi, the tallest leader of the century, of India, was unique in understanding our country. Today, communal forces are playing games with popular perceptions, directly blaming Nehru for every failure on the one hand, and, on the other, making subtle efforts to undermine Gandhi.

 

(I am grateful to Kapil Sibal, Prof Purushottam Agarwal and Prof Mridula Mukherjee for a discussion on the topic; however, lapses, if any, are mine.)

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