The question paper leaks and other irregularities in the conduct of public examinations are only symptoms of deeper failures in governance and job creation. The Modi government came to power promising to create two crore jobs every year. However, in its zeal to implement its ideological priorities, the government, directed and influenced by the RSS, appears to have neglected many of its original promises, including job creation, corruption-free governance, inclusive development, women's empowerment, and youth skill development. Most of these promises remained attractive slogans crafted by the IT cell and amplified by the godi media.

A keen observer of India's social, political, economic, and religio-cultural developments over the past twelve years may conclude that the primary focus of the Modi regime has been to implement the vision of India envisaged by the RSS ideologues VD Savarkar and MS Golwalkar, as well as the principles reflected in the Manu Smriti. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the vision of India embodied in the Preamble to the Constitution—a pluralistic, just, and egalitarian nation in which all citizens are entitled to equal rights and opportunities.

One gets the impression from the Manu Smriti and the writings of RSS ideologues that the RSS-BJP envisions a caste-based, hierarchical, and patriarchal society. In the terminology commonly used in North India, it resembles a Brahmin-Kshatriya-Bania Raj. These three upper castes, constituting roughly 15–20 per cent of India's population, already dominate many sectors of national life.

A prominent study by Oxfam India and Newslaundry revealed that around 80 per cent of the top editorial positions in mainstream Indian media houses were occupied by members of the upper castes. A similar pattern is visible among influential writers and opinion-makers in India.

Sociological studies of India's leading corporate boards, including BSE 100 and NIFTY 50 companies, show that a large majority of corporate directors and CEOs belong to upper-caste communities, particularly traditional trading groups and Brahmins. Likewise, National Sample Survey (NSS) data on wealth and asset distribution consistently demonstrate that forward castes own a disproportionately large share of land, capital, and urban property relative to their population.

Historical analyses of appointments to the Supreme Court of India indicate that, since Independence, a very high proportion of judges have come from upper-caste backgrounds. Although reservation policies have diversified entry into the civil services, the highest levels of the bureaucracy, such as Union Secretaries and officers in the Cabinet Secretariat, have historically remained dominated by upper-caste officers.

An analysis of the policies pursued by BJP governments at both the Centre and in the States suggests that they have sought to further strengthen the dominance of the upper castes and upper classes across different spheres of national life, while simultaneously introducing welfare schemes designed to keep the poor and marginalised satisfied without bringing about any substantial improvement in their socio-economic or educational status. In pursuit of this objective, the BJP has adopted several strategies, including new legislative measures.

A. Polarising the Hindus
The most significant strategy adopted by the RSS-BJP combine has been to project Muslims and Christians as enemies of both Hindus and India, while the state increasingly promotes the Hindu religion. This strategy has several dimensions.
1.    A proliferation of hate speeches by BJP leaders, hate campaigns through social media, violence by cow vigilantes, and attacks on minorities by right-wing groups, often with the overt and covert support of the police.
2.    The introduction and practice of "bulldozer justice" by BJP governments, despite its anti-constitutional character and repeated warnings from the Supreme Court.
3.    Legislation such as the Citizenship Amendment Act, stringent and vaguely worded anti-conversion laws, discriminatory provisions relating to the Uniform Civil Code, and stringent cow-slaughter laws that facilitate attacks on minorities.
4.    Lavish government expenditure on Hindu rituals, temples, and pilgrimage centres under the guise of tourism promotion, while BJP leaders, including the Prime Minister, preside over Hindu religious ceremonies, thereby eroding the distinction between a secular state and a theocratic one.

B. Cultural Hegemony
Critics argue that the BJP's overarching ideology of Hindutva, or cultural nationalism, promotes a singular national identity that tends to obscure the rich and prolific diversities of India. From this perspective, a unified cultural narrative reinforces traditional upper-caste cultural norms as the standard for national identity. Banning the sale of non-vegetarian food in certain geographical areas on the presumption that consuming non-vegetarian food is polluting has become a practice adopted by several BJP-ruled state governments.

The BJP's educational and cultural policies have focused on glorifying India's past as Vishwa Guru and advocating a return to traditional knowledge systems under the banner of the Indigenous Knowledge System. Critics contend that some of these traditions lack scientific validity and belong more to the realm of superstition than evidence-based knowledge.

At the same time, the Modi government has promoted the vision of India becoming a developed nation by 2045, highlighting GDP growth and India's emergence as the world's fourth-largest economy. Critics argue that this narrative diverts attention from pressing issues such as rising prices, unemployment, corruption, and declining educational standards.

C. Social Engineering
Political scientists frequently observe that the BJP's electoral success rests on a sophisticated strategy of social engineering. Rather than depending exclusively on upper-caste support, the party has successfully built broad electoral coalitions by mobilising non-dominant OBCs and Mahadalit communities. It has sought to convince these groups that their aspirations are aligned with the party's national vision while simultaneously fostering Hindu unity by portraying Muslims and Christians as threats to both Hindus and the Hindu nation.

D. Economic Policies Favouring Crony Capitalists
Critics contend that the BJP's economic and environmental policies promote crony capitalism by systematically favouring large, well-connected corporate conglomerates over open-market competition and ecological sustainability. The major criticisms include:
1.    Favouring a concentrated oligarchy of a few selected national corporations.
2.    Diluting labour, environmental, safety, and land acquisition laws in the name of improving the "ease of doing business."
3.    Directing public wealth, subsidies, and capital concessions towards large private corporations.
A comment on India's economic situation captures the perception of many ordinary citizens: "Four people run the country: two sell and two buy, and all four are Gujaratis." (Char log desh ko chalate hain: do bechte hain aur do kharidte hain. Charon Gujarati hain.)

Consequences of Wrong Priorities
The cumulative result of these policies and actions aimed at realising the Hindutva vision has been the neglect of job creation, universal quality education, and accessible healthcare. This has adversely affected not only the poor but also the middle class, traditionally regarded as the BJP's core support base. Among those most severely affected are the members of Generation Z. Young people across classes, castes, religions, and linguistic communities now share a common concern—joblessness.

The leak of the NEET examination question paper, the government's reluctance to accept responsibility, and a casual remark by the Chief Justice of India became the immediate triggers for youth protests. These protests initially took shape online through the formation of the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP). They later evolved into a physical demonstration at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi under the leadership of Abhijeet Dipke.

The police and paramilitary forces attempted to suppress the movement through force during the march towards Parliament on June 20. Their violent response transformed public frustration into nationwide protests, reflecting deep anger against what many perceived as an insensitive and unaccountable government. A government that had consistently ignored protests by various vulnerable groups eventually found itself compelled to negotiate with Generation Z.

What appears to have particularly alarmed the government and the RSS-BJP combine is the emerging unity among young people across religious and caste divisions. Such unity challenges a political strategy that has often relied on dividing Indian society into Hindus and non-Hindus.

The BJP's defeat in the Bankipur by-election in Bihar and the Datia by-election in Madhya Pradesh reflects a broader public dissatisfaction over unemployment, the state of education, and police action against protesting students. Increasingly, these grievances are being directed at the BJP itself. The public anger is comprehensive and focuses directly on the Modi government.

If the Modi regime is wise and humble enough to acknowledge its mistakes, it should undertake a course correction by prioritising the issues that most directly affect people's lives—job creation, universal quality education, and accessible healthcare. At the same time, the opposition parties and the youth must continue their non-violent resistance to ensure that the government remains accountable and responsive to the needs of the people.

A democracy without accountability inevitably drifts towards autocracy. This, many would argue, is the trajectory India has been experiencing since 2014.