Labourers' rights are not a government charity
Citizens' democracy is not the right of the government
Hindu Economics is Antithetical to Economic Democracy
Constitution, Country and Citizens are Sovereign to Politicians and Political Parties
We, the Citizens, rise up to defeat the Labour Codes and Labour Policy

These war cries are erupting from various corners of the country these days. Since the mainstream media has not only become Godi media but also glued to the powers of today, none of these revolutionary efforts would get reported. But the labouring class, trade unions, labour organisations, kisan sabhas, domestic workers forums, migrant labourers platforms, innumerable networks, activists, academics, civil society organisations and the citizens have rejected the labour codes as well as the draft labour policy of this fascist and autocratic government.

The Gulami and Godi media, meanwhile, reported that Adani has publicly declared that he would provide 100 crores for the Indology mission. Delivering the keynote address on November 21, 2025, at the event organised in Adani Global Indology Conclave, Gautam Adani said, "As a beginning, I am humbled to announce a founding contribution of ?100 crore towards building the Bharat Knowledge Graph and supporting the scholars and technologists who will contribute to this Indology mission" (NDTV, November 22, 2025).

On the one hand, this rags-to-riches Adani has become the second-richest person in India, just behind Mukesh Ambani, and one of the richest in Asia. On the other hand, he is instrumental in deforestation, displacement and destruction of mineral-rich central India. While the Indian media rushes to highlight the public pronouncement of Adani to the Indology mission, it takes to studied silence when it comes to reporting the destruction he is spearheading.

Any Indian who has been following the origin, evolution, and history of labour laws in this country would be aware of the constitutional rights provided to the labouring classes. These labourers may be in formal and informal, organised and unorganised, self and alternative employment. There have always been debates, deliberations, and open discussions regarding policies and programs, measures and mechanisms, reviews, and the reintroduction of policies, ordinances, acts, and laws. But that history has been completely overruled by the present BJP-NDA regime.

Constitutional development of labour rights in India is based on both the Fundamental Rights (Part III) and the Directive Principles of State Policy (Part IV) of the Constitution. These are inalienable rights, and over the years, though they have been interpreted differently, their moral value has guided the principles and foundations of labour rights. Throwing all these to the winds, the present regime has come out with four labour codes and a Draft Labour Policy, both of which are unanimously opposed by labourers, trade unions, and all those who uphold the right to labour and to be remunerated for labour as Human and Constitutional Rights.

Hindu Economics
It is expedient to understand what Hindu Economics means, its place and role in the Indian economy, and the impact it would have if followed. While talking about the Relevance of Hindu Economics, MG Bokare stated, "Holy Vedas are the first books of knowledge in the history of mankind. Hindu Economics is the manifestation of Holy Vedas in economics. Hindu Economics is for mankind, on the same lines as argued by classical economics, Keynesian economics, Marxian economics, etc. In the exploration of the past, Hindu Economics discovers, inter alia, three facts : (1) Economics as a discipline of market had been conceived in ancient Bharat (B.C.) for the first time in the world history of economic thought. (2) The first books of economics in the world were written in ancient Bharat (B.C.). (3) The first definitions of economics were presented by Shukracharya and Kautilya in the world history of economics." (Excerpts from "Hindu Economics")

In his book "The Third Wave" (1995), Dattopant Thengadi, the RSS ideologue, outlined the RSS's economic philosophy. He called it the "Hindu Way," the "Hindu Approach," the "Hindu Economics." He argued that both capitalism and Marxism had failed, and that the Hindu Way was the solution. He based his assertion on the claim that national self-reliance is our immediate goal, a view also advanced by MS Golwalkar, a key leader of the RSS. For these ideologues, Hindu economics refers to an economic framework rooted in ancient Indian Dharmic principles. They argued for a global economic system based on the Hindu concept of Dharma, which prioritises "societal" well-being over the sole pursuit of material wealth. They further claim that Dharma comprises the religious, ethical, social, political, juridical, and customary laws and organisations that govern people's lives.

In this understanding of Dharma, there is no place for economics. Also, while "societal" well-being is advocated, there is no room for individual well-being, or at least for the well-being of the avarnas and achuts, or erstwhile untouchables. The system is founded on the laws and ethical principles outlined in Hindu texts, that is, the Shastras and Smritis. But there is no recourse to the existing policies and programs. Also, those who were denied access to Shastras and Smiritis, where will they figure?

In contrast to the Western "wage-employment" model, Thengadi promoted "self-employment" as a core characteristic of the Hindu economic model. Those who know the reality of the possibilities of self-employment would know how difficult it is for the Dalits, Tribals, Most Backwards Castes and minorities to get financial and infrastructural resources to set up self-employment initiatives. Further, with the nomenclature "Hindu Economics," it precludes a vast number of Dalits, Tribals, Most Backwards Castes and minorities from any economic endeavours since these are only wanted as bonded labourers and as a vote bank.

Another area where the Hindu economics is silent is about the employment and empowerment of women and youth. It is a historical and contemporary fact that in employment, women face discrimination not only in wages but are also relegated to the most menial tasks and "care" work. In India, more women are engaged in informal employment than male workers. Even within the formal sector, women predominate in unskilled, underpaid, temporary, or contract-based jobs. In many cases, if husband and wife are working at the same place and in the same job, they are paid 'jodi,' that is, full earnings to the husband and half to the wife, with the remuneration paid only to the husband. The Hindu economics is silent on all these hard realities.

Economic Democracy
Economic democracy is a socioeconomic philosophy that advocates for spreading economic power from a few corporate entities or elites to public stakeholders, including workers, consumers, and the community. It seeks to achieve a fair distribution of wealth and a greater role for ordinary citizens in economic decision-making, arguing that political democracy is incomplete without economic and social democracies.

Dr BR Ambedkar accepted that democracy is the best system of governance. Therefore, he was constantly worried about the difficulties that would arise in ensuring democracy effectively, given India's social and ideological situation. Since the Indian society was and is constrained by a rigid caste, class, feudal and patriarchal social structure, the possibility of democracy being intact was a haunting question for him.

Dr BR Ambedkar's three warnings in his last speech to the Constituent Assembly resonate even today. He warned the Indians of three things. Speaking on November 25, 1949, he spoke of the need to give up the grammar of anarchy, to avoid hero-worship, and to work towards a social – not just a political – democracy. Reiterating the need for not just political democracy but also social democracy, he stated, "On January 26, 1950, India will be an independent country. What would happen to her independence? Will she maintain her independence or will she lose it again? This is the first thought that comes to my mind. It is not that India was never an independent country. The point is that she once lost the independence she had. Will she lose it a second time? It is this thought which makes me most anxious for the future." (Excerpts from the speech to the Constituent Assembly on November 25, 1949)

For Dr Ambedkar, social democracy, which included economic democracy, meant a way of life that recognises liberty, equality, and fraternity as the core principles of collective living. They form a union of trinity and should not be divorced from each other, and ought not to be treated as separate entities. From this point of view, Dr Ambekar pointed out that the roots of democracy lie not in the form of government, parliament, or elections, etc. Democracy in itself is a form of "associated living" of people who are not hierarchically placed, not differentiated, not excluded, and not exploited. It is only in a society or nation where liberty, equality and fraternity are practised in word and deed that democracy in all its forms will flourish.

Labour Codes and Denial of Democratic Rights of Labourers 
The present BJP-NDA regime brought in three farm laws. They were: the Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020; the Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020; and the Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020. The farmers' movement carried out a long, drawn-out struggle to roll back these farm laws. Some farmers had to sacrifice their lives so the nation could be saved from the detrimental consequences of these laws. What is even more deplorable is that the citizens were struggling with the impact of the pandemic, and introducing something like this at this time had its own impact on them.

The government also brought out four labour codes. They are: 1) Code on Wages, 2019, 2) Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code, 2019, 3) Industrial Relations Code, 2019, 4) Code on Social Security, 2019. The central government proposes to replace 29 existing labour laws with four Codes. The objective is to simplify and modernise labour regulation. The government claimed that these four labour codes are aimed at simplifying labour laws, ensuring fair and timely wages for every worker, enabling smoother hiring and industry growth, and expanding social security and safety coverage.

But the labourers and trade unions are resisting this move and on the following grounds: Firstly, violation of Article 14 (Arbitrariness & Unequal Protection). Based on the number of workers, the codes exclude the majority of India's workforce from minimum wages, job protection, social security, including healthcare and retirement benefits, and workplace disciplinary rules, amongst others. The move towards fixed-term employment, dilution of protection for contract labour, removal of workplace safety regulations, and dilution of the inspection system create unjustifiable discrimination between workers performing the same work within and across establishments, and are not in the purview of the government. The codes provide a high level of immunity to employers whilst holding workers to account, creating gross inequality before the law and effectively legalising inequality.

Secondly, the codes are in violation of Article 19(1)(c), that is, The Right to form or join Unions. The Industrial Relations Code imposes unreasonable restrictions on union registration, majority status, and the right to strike. By limiting who can represent workers and by creating near-impossible conditions for lawful strikes as a right of workers to withdraw their labour power, the government violates the constitutional guarantee of freedom of association.

Thirdly, violation of Articles 21 and 23, which are the Right to Life with Dignity and the Right Against Exploitation. Weakening workplace safety provisions, legalising the 12-hour workday by stealth, denying employment security, dismantling social security mechanisms, and creating a floor wage at a rate below the minimum wage strike at the heart of workers' right to live with dignity. The Codes permit conditions that undermine health, safety, and livelihood and would advance conditions of forced labour, returning workers to conditions of bondage.

Fourthly, while all citizens were trying to avoid the imposition of SIR and the shocking election results in Bihar, the government notified all 4 labour codes on November 21, 2025. It also stated that the rules for implementing these codes will be made public soon. With total disregard for the 29 existing laws related to labour and migration, these four codes were imposed on labourers and the country. It is also imperative to note that by invoking executive powers to enforce these codes by avoiding debate in Parliament, without consultation with states, in defiance of opposition from workers' organisations, and the complete abandoning of the tripartite machinery, is to say the least anti-parliamentary, anti-worker and anti-constitutional.

Lastly, undermining the principles and processes. They were passed without convening the Indian Labour Conference (ILC), a tripartite consultative body comprising central trade unions, employers' associations and ministries and departments of the state and union territories, facilitated by the Ministry of Labour and Employment, to deliberate on issues concerning labour welfare in the country. This not only goes to state that this regime does not care about procedures but also that it does not care two hoots about labour rights enshrined in the Constitution.

Except for the Bharatiya Mazdur Sangh (BMS), an affiliate of the BJP, most trade unions have unanimously rejected these codes. They also widely condemned the four codes as undermining decades' worth of labour protections, jurisprudence and significant gains won by the labouring class through consistent and militant fights. The BMS has also given only partial support. Most of the central trade unions and All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) have opposed these codes. AIKS has even asked its constituencies to burn the codes in protest.

In a sense, the Four Labour Codes, like the Farmers Ordinances, are incredibly detrimental to citizens, the country, and the Constitution. It has been in the DNA of the present regime to come out with one anti-poor, anti-people and anti-citizens' policy or the other. It has never adopted any policy or program such as the Right to Food, Right to Education, Right to Work, Right to Forest, or Right to Information. It is the responsibility of all citizens, not just labourers, to denounce these policies, codes, and ordinances and to demand policies and programs based solely on the Constitution of India.